This short video extract conveys a vivid account of how changes brought about by the 1948 Palestinian Nakba catastrophe also severed the reality for the minority native arab Jewish occupants of Palestine.

Having to come to terms with the tumultuous effect of forced seperations within their culture, dividing a longstanding socio-ethnic coexistence shared with the Arab Muslims and Christians of their society. A new reality depicting what is acceptable to acknowledge in their new homeland - and what should be erased from memory - somehow did not fit comfortably with some.

The landscape's scars of a forced forgetfulness have remained, profoundly and poignantly comforting to those who accept the fact that here lies, in this land now defined as Israel, a neurosis of forbidden truth - of what had been shaped and the discord that has followed, what has been oppressed and the existence that it denies.


(...thanks Abe for the video)

Anil Korotane, Belonging

Saving Lifta Event





BELONGING have posted the first part of the brief for an event we are arranging in Lifta (the timetable for the event will be announced at a later date); it will form the first encouraging advance of activism for the Saving Lifta project-campaign in the Jerusalem region.

The first part of the brief will focuss on Lifta as a 'Space for Conciliatory Dialogue'. Although explained in a very short, simple, clear and straightforward way, the brief is highly sensitive as it will involve issues and necessary actions that will be very challenging - it will require the involvement of both Palestinians and Israelis to focus on the issue of the Nakba in Lifta, but also to focus on the wider issue of displacement that occurred around that particular time in history.

The ideas and issues presented in the brief have been very carefully articulated and the strategy presented has been mainly derived from the continuation of a discourse based on principles and values of Lifta's significance as a place that can be found in the 2007 entries of posts on this blog. Ultimately the agenda for the Saving Lifta project-campaign is that by presenting Lifta's historical truth and narratives as a place, it will enable us to show the potential of her value for the wider region. Inevitably, through the activism for alternative planning we are maintaining a real case for her protection.

Although the first part of the brief was articulated a few months prior to the knowledge of a bill just recently approved by the Knesset that undermines the commemoration of the Nakba inside Israel, the strategy for activism not only sets itself against the bill but also proposes a challenge that counter-acts its by endeavouring to show what is possible through preserving places such as Lifta.

The brief is derived to show the potential of Lifta becoming both a space of encounter as well as a space of the possible - where not only is it possible to preserve a memory that portrays the catastrophe of the Palestinian people which requires justice and recognition of its truth, but also to have a tangible place in the region that can allows Israelis to address the narrative of the 'other' whilst also allowing them to reach out and across to the Palestinians through the narratives of displacement.

Lifta can be in part preserved as a place to recognise, share and deal with the intricate task of confronting existential narratives, histories and identities for the purposes of conciliation. The brief for the first event pushes the boundaries on this task only so it can show the potential of possible opportunities in cultural-production by preserving memory of places such as Lifta. Both representatives of Zochrot and the regional Ramallah Lifta Commitee recognize that the brief is potentially a 'one day scenario' for civil-building using both the regional community and resources. The first event therefore begins to set out a 'proto-type' of a place and process towards healing for an imagined-future for this region.

In due time we will post the second part of the brief - it will focuss on Lifta as a 'Space for Habitation'. The brief will draw upon holding an event (at the same time and in concession to the first event) for a site investigation to gather the necessary contextual information to redetermine Lifta of how she once was as a place, and then to portray Lifta in the present and future context as a space for habitation in justice of recultivating her memory, the international law of the 'right of return', and equal living.



Saving Lifta Event (Brief - Part 1)

Announcement of the first stage of the Saving Lifta project-campaign in the Jerusalem region.


To begin the first stage of the project-campaign in the region, our first objective will be to hold a series of events in Lifta. The purpose of the events is to demonstrate why the heritage of Lifta is potentially invaluable and necessary for future peace in the region. And we will convey this possibility by orchestrating a series of events that engage into the potential of Lifta’s spaces and demonstrate what can be possible.

The aim of holding an event will be to demonstrate the potential of Lifta’s space as a place for conciliatory dialogue, followed by assessing and re-imagining her space for the purposes of habitation. All stages of the events will be loosely based around exercises capable of reconstructing the memory of Lifta. All work conducted in the events will be creatively and critically devised to ascertain the necessary information needed for the 2nd stage - to derive with the design of a master-plan for Lifta. The 3rd stage will be to lobby the master-plan, both regionally within the Jerusalem municipality and internationally, in a case aimed to protect Lifta.


Working towards a new narrative, a new history, and a new space.

The overall objective of the project-campaign will be to try and save Lifta by engaging her upon a theme that demonstrates her potential to become an innovative ‘space of reconciliation’. As a space of reconciliation Lifta has the potential to transform into a place for the purposes of conciliatory dialogue and habitation. A potential gateway to a space seeking a goal to confront and reconcile narratives of histories, otherness and conflict whilst, demonstrating possibilities of a place that promotes healing, pluralism and inclusiveness.


Task 1 of the event - A space for conciliatory dialogue:

The first task will focus on Lifta as an ‘origin’ to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The aim is to convey the memory of the Nakba catastrophe through eye witness accounts from the displaced people of Lifta. We aim to demonstrate and document that an encounter between an intangible memory and a tangible place allows a displaced people and community to confront their trauma and their tragedy. A poignant encounter nevertheless vital because firstly it establishes an authentic relationship of a bond existing between a people and a land; and secondly, it can play a vital role towards the healing of a people and the larger regional community.

Through observance of the memories of the displaced people, during this encounter, we aim to record and document the individual memories creating a mapping of a narrative of the Nakba catastrophe in Lifta. This information will be later used (in stages 2 & 3 of the project-campaign) as evidence demonstrating that this village has the potential to convey, in part as a memorial, a story of the origins of the Israel-Palestine conflict.

The next task of the event will continue to focus on observing Lifta as an ‘origin’ of the Israel-Palestine conflict. Again, during the observance of the memories of the displaced people that unfold the narrative of the Nakba in Lifta, we will use these observations to demonstrate that Lifta has the potential to become a place for the creation of dialogue between the uprooted people of Lifta, as well as all Palestinians in general, with the Israeli public.

Engaging into the memory of the Nakba, in this instance from a place that has remained virtually desolate and un-appropriated since her uprooting in 1948, provides the backdrop for a real space within the Palestine/Israel region that has the capacity to make accessible an open dialogue and encounter a sense of shared-values through the issues of ‘displacement’, ‘victimhood’ and ‘tragedy’. Themes that not only resonates throughout the Palestinian narrative since 1948, but are historically preserved and ever-present within the narrative of the Israeli ‘other’; for instance the Holocaust, and the displacement of Arab Jews in the North African and Middle East region. Sharing and building upon multiple common themes, reaching beyond rivalry, and consoling upon the seeds of despair.

Lifta is also accessible to the ‘other’ because she allows us to re-imagine communities. Although her community consisted of an ethnic-religious majority of Muslims, the community still shared a religious diversity that consisted also of Christians and Jews. The uprooting of Lifta was a tragedy for the Palestinian community of the village however, the Nakba in Lifta was a catastrophe for the Palestinian Muslims, Christians and Jews. The Jewish Hilo tribe, who were part of one of the five main tribes in Lifta, apparently were given the option by the pervading force to remain in the village, decided to share the same fate with their community and vacated the village.

And now 60 years have gone by, enabling enough time to take a step back and reflect at histories. Histories, that are usually referred to in their own unique set of circumstances and disparate narratives, can be engaged together in one space. In this task of the event, we will orchestrate an encounter between the Israeli public and the people from Lifta, engaging into the real memories of displacement set against the tangible backdrop of the valley landscape of Lifta. We will demonstrate that Lifta can become a space of encounter; a necessary place where both Palestinians and Israelis can come together and share a dialogue and speak of their narratives of tragedy, victimhood and displacement. An encounter made admissible because there still stands and exists a place in the region that is virtually desolate; where memory concealing a narrative of displacement can be reconstructed and sustained from a bond between a people, who can recount and relive their tragedy, and this place. A place that can challenge and defuse narratives that translate into a language of opposition or even hostility by presenting and addressing common themes shared in the tragic histories by both peoples.

The narratives of displacement shared together at Lifta can create this place into a necessary common-ground for the purposes of healing and conciliation. During the event, we will demonstrate and document these encounters on the space of Lifta, drawing upon the potential of this place for the purposes of invaluable capacity-building for the regional civil society. And the information gathered and collected will be used to inform and towards the case for the alternative master-plan.

Anil Korotane, director - BELONGING

Saving Lifta in the current political context







Whilst we make steps forward with the Saving Lifta project-campaign it is also important to keep you informed with the political context that is concurrent and has bearing on the cause. In light of the fact that the village of Lifta is located in West Jerusalem, and within Israeli territory, the following three articles address the current political nature of the Israeli government and measures setout by this government that ultimately challenge the project-campaign.

The first and third articles discuss a bill approved by the Knesset created potentially to obstruct Israeli Arabs the right to commemorating the Nakba whilst making them place allegiance to a polarized Jewish Democratic State of Israel, the implications of which are utterly devasting for those whose seek a reality of a democracy for 'all its people' within Israel. If the bill is approved, it potentially has the ability to obstruct future potentialities of conciliatory processes inside Israel. Looking further a field and bearing in context the Lifta, the bill can hinder any protection of the Palestinian cultural heritage inside Israel - especially if the heritage bears any connection to the palestinian collective narrative of 1948, again obstructing the potential of places of historical interest that have recognition to the 'other' playing part of any future concilatory role between identities and equal living.

Already the early ramifications of the bill is challenging the work of peace activists and educational organisations. The second article concerns an educational kit on the Nakba that is is being disseminated among teachers throughout Israel. It was developed by Zochrot, a non-government organization, and is meant to serve the Jewish educational system for pupils aged 15 and above, and includes history plus literary and personal views on the Nakba, as well as discussion of the ways the issue has been sidelined in public discourse. (The education kit can be found on the Zochrot website - http://www.nakbainhebrew.org) In light of the newly approved bill, also supported by the Israeli Education Minister Gideon Sa'ar the Education Ministry, a compromise bill is also being prepared, which would ban government bodies or any organization benefiting from state funding, from organizing or funding activities related to the Nakba.

Very shortly, FAST will post the first part of a brief highlighting the next phase of activism of an event that will take place in Lifta. Although articulated through the gradual build up of a inquiry setout by FAST well in advance of these new revelations of the approved bill, on the contrary, the strategy for activism not only sets itself against this bill but also proposes a challenge that counter-acts its necessity by endeavouring to show what is possible. Hopefully once we illuminate this strategy of activism we can, with your support, deliver something to the particular needs of this region and period that is totally relevant and essential.

Anil Korotane, FAST




As Israel Prepares Laws to Deepen its Discrimination, the World Must hold Israeli Racism to Account


4 June 2009, Bethlehem, Badil Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights - For decades Israel has practiced discrimination and forced displacement against its Palestinian citizenry with impunity. But now it seeks to impose consent for its crimes upon its Palestinian victims.

Three bills currently making rounds in the Israeli Knesset reveal an obscene and dangerous targeting of the individual and collective rights of Palestinian citizens.

One bill seeks to prohibit marking the day Israel declared its independence as a day of mourning. A second prohibits negating the existence of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. The third requires Israeli citizens to sign oaths of loyalty to the state, its flag and national anthem, and to perform military or civil service. Though still at an early stage, if the bills pass, violators could face harsh sentences including imprisonment and revocation of citizenship.

Palestinian citizens of Israel are part of the indigenous inhabitants of Palestine who were made a minority in their homeland through the expulsion of two thirds of their people in 1948 by Zionist militias during Israel's establishment – events Palestinians commemorate as the Nakba (Arabic for Catastrophe.)

Their leaders have likened the potential approval of the bills to a declaration of war. The bills "require the Arab minority to deny its history and Arab-Palestinian identity on one hand and to identify with Zionist values that negate its national identity on the other," in the words of Mohammed Zeidan, head of the Higher Arab Follow-Up Committee, an informal collective leadership body of Palestinian citizens.

Attempts to force compliance with the Zionist narrative, character and practice of the state is equivalent to demanding that Palestinians sanction their own historical dispossession while rubber stamping their contemporary second-class citizenship as "non-Jews" in the Jewish state.

Moreover these attempts come in the context of an escalating campaign against this community that seeks to paint it as a "demographic time bomb" and a "fifth column." Yuval Diskin, Director of the General Security Service has described Palestinian citizens' demands for equality as constituting "a strategic danger to the state", that must be thwarted "even if their activity is conducted through democratic means”; Israeli politicians and "peace proposals" speak openly of "population exchanges" between Palestinian citizens and Israeli settlers in the West Bank; and the Hebrew press has even made recent revelations that the Israeli army is engaged in training special units to occupy Palestinian towns and villages inside Israel in the event of a regional war, to prevent protests and access to highways.

A broader campaign of incitement is at play here. These laws aim to polarize the situation between Jewish and Palestinian citizens, while justifying the quashing of legitimate Palestinian demands. Israel also appears intent to extend elements of its military practices against Palestinians in the OPT to those who are its citizens.

Given Israel's historical record of repeatedly dispossessing Palestinians – be it beneath the 'fog of war' or through incremental bureaucratic means - the initiation of these laws can only be seen as strengthening Israel's de jure policies of apartheid to compliment its de facto apartheid practices on both sides of the Green Line.

In this context, instead of trying to engage the new Israeli government, it is time for the world to boycott, divest and sanction the Israeli regime until it abandons all racist policies and practices and implements international law.




Are teachers introducing Nakba to students against state's wishes?
By Or Kashti - Haaretz 04/06/2009


An educational kit on the Nakba [catastrophe] - the Palestinian term for what happened to them after 1948 - is being disseminated among teachers throughout the country. It was developed by Zochrot, a non-government organization, and is meant to serve the Jewish educational system for pupils aged 15 and above, and includes history plus literary and personal views on the Nakba, as well as discussion of the ways the issue has been sidelined in public discourse.

Some teachers have reportedly been making use of the kit, even though it has not been approved by the Education Ministry. A meeting next week in Jerusalem aims to introduce the kit to educators. The kit's materials were developed over three years and involved school teachers as well as lecturers at teachers' colleges. Its 13 units deal with the Palestinian communities before and after 1948, a historical probe of the period's events, personal stories of Palestinians, a discussion on the "right of return" and a tour "of a destroyed Palestinian village with a refugee as a guide."

The kit's fourth unit offers an "initial introduction to the history of the Nakba" with numerical data about "how Palestine was prior to the Nakba" and "a historical study presenting the main reasons for the departure and expulsion of the Palestinians, incorporating testimonies and quotations [from sources]." There is also a discussion on the "methods used to prevent the return of the refugees."

The kit is modular and designed so teachers of different subjects may use it in classes on history, literature, civil studies, social studies, etc.

Amia Galili of Zochrot says nearly 100 teachers have been introduced to the kit, and it has been sent to 160 other educators.

"The purpose of our work is to include the Nakba in the educational system, from a viewpoint that the minute the pupils study about it, it will be possible to begin talking about a process of reconciliation," Galili said. In the Jewish educational system many teachers are hesitant to teach the subject of the Nakba. In upper-level secondary school history reference is made to the "cease-fire agreements and the creation of a Palestinian refugee problem," said Galili, but in practice the subject is taught in a very limited way, if at all.

Many subjects in the curriculum are inevitably left behind for lack of time, but there is also an element of "too few teachers who are willing to enter this minefield of a subject," as one history teacher put it.

Two years ago, former education minister Yuli Tamir was criticized when a geography book meant for the Arab schools referred to the Nakba. The Education Ministry at the time said the book had been based on curriculum materials that had been approved during the tenure of Limor Livnat and Ronit Tirosh at the ministry.

Ten days ago, the Knesset Constitution, Law and Justice Committee approved a bill proposed by MK Alex Miller of Yisrael Beiteinu, "forbidding by law the commemoration of Independence Day or the establishment of the state as a day of mourning." The bill was supported by Education Minister Gideon Sa'ar. As a result of the ruckus that resulted from the proposal, a compromise bill is being prepared, which would ban government bodies or any organization benefiting from state funding, from organizing or funding activities related to the Nakba.

One of the teachers who began using the kit, Avital Spivak, says that "the Palestinian side of the story is missing completely from the educational system." She teaches civics to 11th and 12th graders at the Reali School in Haifa, and says "there is a complete blind spot, which leads to ignorance and racism and blocks the possibility of understanding and dialog. There is no need to agree to the right of return to talk about the Nakba, and there is no contradiction between being a Zionist and refusing to be blind and deaf to the pain and the story of the other side."

Spivak says initially "the pupils express all the usual opposition such as denial, justification of the Jewish side and sometimes even calls to kill the messenger - in this case the teacher. The pupils find it very difficult to accept there is no one truth to the story. Spivak says there is no 180-degree change in the pupils' views but "I can see that there is the start of questioning."

The Education Ministry responded: "The education kit was not approved by the ministry. Teachers using materials not approved by the ministry are acting against ministry procedure and policy." The ministry also said it would conduct "an immediate investigation, including into this case."




“Racists for Democracy” - Uri Averni's Weekly 30/05/09


HOW LUCKY we are to have the extreme Right standing guard over our democracy.

This week, the Knesset voted by a large majority (47 to 34) for a law that threatens imprisonment for anyone who dares to deny that Israel is a Jewish and Democratic State.

The private member’s bill, proposed by MK Zevulun Orlev of the “Jewish Home” party, which sailed through its preliminary hearing, promises one year in prison to anyone who publishes “a call that negates the existence of the State of Israel as a Jewish and Democratic State”, if the contents of the call might cause “actions of hate, contempt or disloyalty against the state or the institutions of government or the courts”.

One can foresee the next steps. A million and a half Arab citizens cannot be expected to recognize Israel as a Jewish and Democratic State. They want it to be “a state of all its citizens” – Jews, Arabs and others. They also claim with reason that Israel discriminates against them, and therefore is not really democratic. And, in addition, there are also Jews who do not want Israel to be defined as a Jewish State in which non-Jews have the status, at best, of tolerated outsiders.

The consequences are inevitable. The prisons will not be able to hold all those convicted of this crime. There will be a need for concentration camps all over the country to house all the deniers of Israeli democracy.

The police will be unable to deal with so many criminals. It will be necessary to set up a new unit. This may be called “Special Security”, or, in short, SS.

Hopefully, these measures will suffice to preserve our democracy. If not, more stringent steps will have to be taken, such as revoking the citizenship of the democracy-deniers and deporting them from the country, together with the Jewish leftists and all the other enemies of the Jewish democracy.

After the preliminary reading of the bill, it now goes to the Legal Committee of the Knesset, which will prepare it for the first, and soon thereafter for the second and third readings. Within a few weeks or months, it will be the law of the land.

By the way, the bill does not single out Arabs explicitly – even if this is its clear intention, and all those who voted for it understood this. It also prohibits Jews from advocating a change in the state’s definition, or the creation of a bi-national state in all of historic Palestine or spreading any other such unconventional ideas. One can only imagine what would happen in the US if a senator proposed a law to imprison anyone who suggests an amendment to the Constitution of the United States of America.

THE BILL does not stand out at all in our new political landscape.This government has already adopted a bill to imprison for three years anyone who mourns the Palestinian Naqba – the 1948 uprooting of more than half the Palestinian people from their homes and lands.The sponsors expect Arab citizens to be happy about that event. True, the Palestinians were caused a certain unpleasantness, but that was only a by-product of the foundation of our state. The Independence Day of the Jewish and Democratic State must fill us all with joy. Anyone who does not express this joy should be locked up, and three years may not be enough.This bill has been confirmed by the Ministerial Commission for Legal Matters, prior to being submitted to the Knesset. Since the rightist government commands a majority in the Knesset, it will be adopted almost automatically. (In the meantime, a slight delay has been caused by one minister, who appealed the decision, so the Ministerial Commission will have to confirm it again.)

The sponsors of the law hope, perhaps, that on Naqba Day the Arabs will dance in the streets, plant Israeli flags on the ruins of some 600 Arab villages that were wiped off the map and offer up their thanks to Allah in the mosques for the miraculous good fortune that was bestowed on them.

THIS TAKES me back to the 60s, when the weekly magazine I edited, Haolam Hazeh, published an Arabic edition. One of its employees was a young man called Rashed Hussein from the village of Musmus. Already as a youth he was a gifted poet with a promising future.

He told me that some years earlier the military governor of his area had summoned him to his office. At the time, all the Arabs in Israel were subject to a military government which controlled their lives in all matters big and small. Without a permit, an Arab citizen could not leave his village or town even for a few hours, nor get a job as a teacher, nor acquire a tractor or dig a well.
The governor received Rashed cordially, offered him coffee and paid lavish compliments to his poetry. Then he came to the point: in a month’s time, Independence Day was due, and the governor was going to hold a big reception for the Arab “notables”; he asked Rashed to write a special poem for the occasion.

Rashed was a proud youngster, nationalist to the core, and not lacking in courage. He explained to the governor that Independence Day was no joyful day for him, since his relatives had been driven from their homes and most of the Musmus village’s land had also been expropriated.

When Rashed arrived back at his village some hours later, he could not help noticing that his neighbors were looking at him in a peculiar way. When he entered his home, he was shocked. All the members of his family were sitting on the floor, the women lamenting at the top of their voices, the children huddling fearfully in a corner. His first thought was that somebody had died.

“What have you done to us!” one of the women cried, “What did we do to you?”

“You have destroyed the family,” another shouted, “You have finished us!”

It appeared that the governor had called the family and told them that Rashed had refused to fulfill his duty to the state. The threat was clear: from now on, the extended family, one of the largest in the village, would be on the black list of the military government. The consequences were clear to everyone.

Rashed could not stand up against the lamentation of his family. He gave in and wrote the poem, as requested. But something inside him was broken. Some years later he emigrated to the US, got a job there at the PLO office and died tragically: he was burned alive in his bed after going to sleep, it appears, while smoking a cigarette.

THESE DAYS are gone forever. We took part in many stormy demonstrations against the military government until it was finally abolished in 1966. As a newly elected Member of Parliament, I had the privilege of voting for its abolition.

The fearful and subservient Arab minority, then amounting to some 200 thousand souls, has recovered its self-esteem. A second and third generation has grown up, its downtrodden national pride has raised its head again, and today they are a large and self-confident community of 1.5 million. But the attitude of the Jewish Right has not changed for the better. On the contrary.

In the Knesset bakery (the Hebrew word for bakery is Mafia) some new pastries are being baked. One of them is a bill that stipulates that anyone applying for Israeli citizenship must declare their loyalty to “the Jewish, Zionist and Democratic State”, and also undertake to serve in the army or its civilian alternative. Its sponsor is MK David Rotem of the “Israel is Our Home” party, who also happens to be the chairman of the Knesset Law Committee.

A declaration of loyalty to the state and its laws – a framework designed to safeguard the wellbeing and the rights of its citizens – is reasonable. But loyalty to the “Zionist” state? Zionism is an ideology, and in a democratic state the ideology can change from time to time. It would be like declaring loyalty to a “capitalist” USA, a “rightist Italy”, a ”leftist” Spain, a “Catholic Poland” or a “nationalist” Russia.

This would not be a problem for the tens of thousands of Orthodox Jews in Israel who reject Zionism, since Jews will not be touched by this law. They obtain citizenship automatically the moment they arrive in Israel.

Another bill waiting for its turn before the Ministerial Committee proposes changing the declaration that every new Knesset Member has to make before assuming office. Instead of loyalty “to the State of Israel and its laws”, as now, he or she will be required to declare their loyalty “to the Jewish, Zionist and Democratic State of Israel, its symbols and its values”. That would exclude almost automatically all the elected Arabs, since declaring loyalty to the “Zionist” state would mean that no Arab would ever vote for them again.

It would also be a problem for the Orthodox members of the Knesset, who cannot declare loyalty to Zionism. According to Orthodox doctrine, the Zionists are depraved sinners and the Zionist flag is unclean. God exiled the Jews from this country because of their wickedness, and only God can permit them to return. Zionism, by preempting the job of the Messiah, has committed an unpardonable sin, and many Orthodox Rabbis chose to remain in Europe and be murdered by the Nazis rather than committing the Zionist sin of going to Palestine.

THE FACTORY of racist laws with a distinct fascist odor is now working at full steam. That is built into the new coalition.

At its center is the Likud party, a good part of which is pure racist (sorry for the oxymoron). To its right there is the ultra-racist Shas party, to the right of which is Lieberman’s ultra-ultra racist “Israel is our Home” party, the ultra-ultra-ultra racist “Jewish Home” party, and to its right the even more racist “National Union” party, which includes outright Kahanists and stands with one foot in the coalition and the other on the moon.

All these factions are trying to outdo each other. When one proposes a crazy bill, the next is compelled to propose an even crazier one, and so on.

All this is possible because Israel has no constitution. The ability of the Supreme Court to annul laws that contradict the “basic laws” is not anchored anywhere, and the Rightist parties are trying to abolish it. Not for nothing did Avigdor Lieberman demand – and get – the Justice and Police ministries.

Just now, when the governments of the US and Israel are clearly on a collision course over the settlements, this racist fever may infect all parts of the coalition.

If one goes to sleep with a dog, one should not be surprised to wake up with fleas (may the dogs among my readers pardon me). Those who elected such a government, and even more so those who joined it, should not be surprised by its laws, which ostensibly safeguard Jewish democracy.

The most appropriate name for these holy warriors would be “Racists for Democracy”.

"The Eye of Lifta" by Aida Qasim

Foreword by Anil Korotane -

Aida Qasim, regards herself as a 1st generation descendant of Lifta born out of Palestine, in Exile. She is also a 2nd generation poet who perceives her task is to purposefully create alchemy of oneness between her poetry and Palestine. A purpose initially brought to the fore and epitomized by the late great Mahmoud Darwish, a figure who she commemorates in the opening lines of her Poem: 'The Eye of Lifta':


O, beloved swallow of the Galilee:
I (too) belong there—


The first line of my poem addresses Mahmoud Darwish, he is the swallow of the Galilee and he wrote the poem: "I belong there"; hence Aida's affirmation and retort. I asked Aida, paraphrasing 'I (too) belong', did she really? Or more precisely, knowing she was an American Palestinian - born on another land - and now resettled to a life in the affluent Abu Dhabi with her family, in what sense? Is it a sense of an injustice that has been passed down into her own experience, therefore yearning for justice to a past inherited? Or as a Palestinian American now living in Abu Dhabi, is it about sustaining a sense of 'origin' to something identifiable to a place?


She concurs - "In fact on all counts - yes, I think it is the injustice of it all the experience of being 'othered', the rootlessness...it breeds anger, rage in fact, if not self loathing as a result of being dehumanized, made invisible. And also, I (too) belong there, because I am a recipient of that history and were it not for the Nakba, I too would have been there. I am nostalgic for that which never was. My experience as a refugee-exile who was born out of Palestine and not of that era is intertwined with the Nakba. In fact it is intertwined with the history of Palestine.


An imaginative Gardner
tends to her fragmented umbilical cord
and I am vessel for her obsessions
over your aborted dreams and my still birth.


“The Nakba generation's dreams have been aborted, while mine are still birth. I don't know which is more agonizing!" To make clearer this enunciation she goes on by referring to the next lines of the poem:


A parasite scavenges the remains of you
from my scattered shards,
and then escapes like an elusive acrobat.


She explains, "Here the parasite and acrobat are nostalgia. If you are familiar with post memory which was observed with descendants of the holocaust, it's a sort of post traumatic stress disorder, where the survivors carry the trauma and grief which gets communicated in different ways, even subversively by those who have witnessed it to subsequent generations." "Even as a child it’s as though I had an antenna that picked up on the pain and I felt it - like an open wound, and still is.


Aida's poetry is a new visitation into the postmodern experience and she is grateful that she can use her writings as a vehicle to turn the energy into something constructive, "I write to make a case for a disenfranchised people and gather strength from a universality of the Palestinian cause as it enables me to channel my rage at and be engaged by all forms of oppression and subjugation."


“Like the title of Edward Said's Memoir: Out of Place; I, like many who have experienced the kind of displacement and injustices visited upon the Palestinian people, have always felt out of place. "And yet, I never quite allowed myself to assimilate. It was a decision I made as a young child growing up in predominately middle class Anglo American neighborhood at the height of American Xenophobia in the early seventies. I suppose even then, I was aware that I had inherited a most noble cause and so I felt compelled to defend it by asserting my identity, with painful consequences in the form of peer rejection.


I think, also my rebellious nature precludes me from ever truly belonging anywhere. And if Palestine were to be liberated today, I would surely be opposed to the ruling government and stifling social conventions. Perhaps it’s the temperament of the poet, perhaps it’s the feminist, or the disenfranchised native carrying the weight of centuries of colonization or all those things.
But I also see my exile as a profoundly postmodern experience. And that's why, the poet can be a metaphor too for the stateless and disenfranchised: in a perpetual state of moving, not quite belonging anywhere and yet everywhere. I (too) belong there (inside) and I belong (to) there (outside) positions at once...one exists in many states. I think limbo is a state that always seems to hover right beneath the surface, where home is neither here nor there, alternating between searching and waiting... But then at times, one comes to terms with one’s exile and home becomes exile and exile--home, and yet when all is still... a dormant desire for paradise lost, gently erupts and reminds us..."

In commemoration to the 61st Nakba Day -



“The eye of Lifta”

O beloved Swallow of the Galilee,
I (too) belong there—
where old men are boys
and fig trees
­­—mothers birthing memories like moss
in the valley of a mischievous mulberry tree.

There—
where a desolate kingdom of an eternal spring
fortified with an unwearied wind
pollinated Sixty-One autumns
with Sixty-One offerings:
to consummate a reunion with an almond seed.
Sixty-One offerings:
rebuffed by an unbending river
that flows neither here nor there;
Sixty-One offerings:
overruled by obstinate threads
luring a dying metaphor into a river of limbo;
Sixty-One offerings:
exiled for hijacking a glimpse
of the Golden Dome;
Sixty-One offerings:
frozen at nostalgia’s salon.

Nostalgia passes over infertile soil
like a punitive teacher
passes over an absentminded student.
An imaginative gardener
tends to her fragmented umbilical cord
and I am vessel for her obsessions
over your aborted dreams and my still birth.
A parasite scavenges the remains of you
from my scattered shards,
and then escapes like an elusive acrobat.
Nostalgia is for nostalgia’s sake
and the scorn of time her bed-mate.
This coveted mistress bleeds mosaic memories
and dwells deep in the cervix
of splintered selves.

Memories born of the same womb (wound):
Do BATTLE!

O weeping Goddess of Canaan,
Rise up from your grief!
Accept this poem sculpted from clay
of words and tears;
all is constructed and destroyed
with words and tears!

There—
where a jury of motherless cacti
is witness to Franks taking refuge
from the peddlers of forgetfulness
in a dome of dancing Byzantine terraces
and ululating golden Aleppo threads
celebrating an agnostic olive tree’s
mutiny against false prophets
of an unyielding harvest.
A paperless traveler scales walls
of indifference
and a nameless peasant paints green kohl
in the eyes of stone monuments,
with the devotion of a pilot sowing mines
on the edges of orphaned cities,
while a pensive sky archives maps and resolutions
under the pillow of a banished raindrop.
--
A poet collects her belongings:
a duffle bag;
a rain coat;
the scribbled lines to an unfinished poem:
I belong (to) there—
written on the back of an unpaid bill,
in the smoking lounge of an airport.


Aida.Qasim@gmail.com

A Poem and Writing by Aida Qasim, a poet and Lifta descendant, and her father Isa's memories of Lifta.





Aida, the youngest of her father's children recognizes the value of her father's stories and feels a sense of urgency to record them. She realized whilst reflecting on Lifta that her father Isa, who will be 80 next december, never told her stories of Al Nakba; the stories had always been about the Lifta of his childhood and Aida wanted to capture that in a poem which will be forthcoming. Aida, who will participate with FAST in forthcoming events for the Saving Lifta Project, has generously contributed a poem she had written last year- "Neruda's blue rose"- in commemrotation of the passing of 60 years since Al Nakba. The other piece illustrates a parable of the very poignant and personal ressurgent affect that the Nakba has through the generations and onto the present zeitgeist. FAST would like to thank Aida and Isa for their contributions and we will continue to post their writings on the blog.



Nerduda’s Blue Rose


My dreams are not enchanted springs of jasmine
Laced with the musings of romantic artists

Or utopian meadows
Where gazelles fall in love with lions under starry skies

They are not safe havens for tilled soil
Sanctioned by a punishing rain

But are hungry children
Luring a nostalgic pilgrim into the narcissistic desert night

Restless bats taunting a gentle swallow
Armed with a warm blue silence

Muted witnesses to your fleeing echo
And to the seagull’s yearnings for Neruda’s blue rose

O repentant kings of a bygone moon
Weep not for blind men of the Imposturous Setback

Weep for your beloved son
Born again in the cradle of another Catastrophe!

Aida Qasim



Isa's Memories of Lifta


The prevailing notion, among those who are not intimately familiar with Lifta is that it is the old village down the valley west of Jerusalem. True Lifta is that village, but it is in fact much wider and larger.

That old village, romantic and beautiful whose houses are very old and which contains the famous water spring, is the original village. All Liftawis come from there. But early in the twentieth cencury many Liftawis started spreading around. Why not when those vast areas of land to the west and north of the old city of Jerusalem belonged to them. Sheikh Jarrah, Romema, Sheikh Badr, to name but few, belonged to the people of Lifta. If fact much of what is now west Jerusalem belonged to Litawis.

As you approach Jerusalem, coming from the west along Jaffa road, you will see two rows of nice and elegant houses on top of a hill on your left. Those are the houses of my extended family - my father's and my uncles' etc. We moved to that house when I was about five years old. At that time we had our first radio set, and the first radio set in the area, a big His Master's Voice and had electricity.

To me, most memorable was a big mulbrry tree that was standing majestically in the front yard. That tree was my friend. Many a time had I played around it and climbed high in it, ostensibly to collect its delicious fruit but in fact trying to do what Sammy now does best: to climb for the sake of climbing and to jump for the sake of jumping. And that tree was very tolerant and wise. I believe it still stands after over seventy five years. For, some years ago I went there and from some distance I could see it. Sad, maybe, but it still stood in its place. Is it waiting for me to go back?



Narratives intersect at the crossroads of memory


Though life’s circumstances have been the stated reason for my procrastination, there was a sense that to begin my journey towards a PhD, I needed geographical and emotional space from my place of enduring exile. Conversely, my father’s approaching eightieth birthday left me with a compelling need to register his narrative before it was lost to oblivion, and in so doing, discovered my own.

In reviewing the literature, I came across Mahmoud Darwish’s poem, “To my mother”. The line: “I love my life, because if I died, I would be ashamed of the tears of my mother”, made me weep. Never had those familiar words resonate so deeply; until then, the metaphor of an idealized mother was a stranger to me. My earliest memory at the age of three, informed my understanding of this construct, subsequently orchestrating the assimilation of successive losses into my repertoire of being.

She stood wailing near the television screen as though intent on entering the box and rearranging the scenes. The defeat of the Arab armies and ensuing occupation of the rest of Palestine, including her birth place –Jerusalem- unraveled my mother like a forgotten sweater who had not been mothballed. A three year old little girl looked on, mesmerized by the histrionics of a strange woman who up until then had been her proverbial anchor.

Queasy at any perceived unruliness of emotions, my father urged her to calm down for his sake as much as mine. My mother’s tattered edges came together in a crescendo of uncharacteristic fury as she shot back a perfectly lucid proclamation: “Let her know the truth!” And for countless nights thereafter, I lay anxiously in the “truth”, overwhelmed by an insidious feeling that the world was an intensely unsafe place.

More than three decades later, I watched helplessly as American tanks rolled into the West Bank while the Israeli army waged its merciless war on Palestinians with its “incursions”. My husband, concerned for our three year old son urged me to take hold of my feral emotions which vacillated between despair and rage. His seemingly treacherous request prompted me to summon the freighted and bemused little girl that remained accessible. Resurrecting the intensity of an earlier time, I reiterated the same maternal sentiment with equal conviction. Palestine had become my abducted child; innocence usurped. And as the notion of abandoning a three year old girl seemed inconceivable, so was deserting a sixty year old boy standing defiantly in the squalor of a refugee camp, with both hands behind his back- patiently observing history unfold- awaiting liberation.

That moment’s idiosyncratic reading of an iconic poem jolted me. No longer did my invention live in the context of the defiant daughter I had always been, but rather experienced through the forgiving Mother I have become. I paced through the vacant rooms of the second floor to our rented villa; the bare walls and furniture that seemed sparse in relation to the size of the place gave it an air of aloofness. Slothfully, I inched towards the hard edge of our oversized bed and covered my head under the inviting sheets. Failed attempts at commanding my body to travel the bed’s full splendor prompted me to surrender with un-bashful abandon my somewhat trusty resolve. Tears that were not mine alone or solely of this time and place commandeered the day’s agenda; a creative process unfolded, derailing what had set out to be an academic exercise.

Aida Qasim